An Epistemological View of Arif Koşar's Analysis of Labor Supervision and the Digital Infrastructure of Socialist Planning
From Algorithmic Panopticon to Cyber Post Office — The Limits of Cognitive Domination

*An Epistemological Commentary on Comrade Arif Koşar's Article "Artificial Intelligence, Digital Technologies, and Labor Supervision" in Issue 72 of Teori ve Eylem
Comrade Arif, hello. With a fresh cup of tea on my desk, I have read your article in Teori ve Eylem titled "Artificial Intelligence, Digital Technologies, and Labor Supervision" line by line, under a philosophical magnifying glass.
First, let us give credit where it is due, comrade; from Amazon warehouses' ADAPT software to Upwork's instantaneous screenshot surveillance that nails the worker to the computer screen, and from there to how MHRS (Central Physician Appointment System)—a public mechanism—turns physician labor into a kind of "assembly-line production," you have mapped today's digital panopticon with magnificent empirical rigor. For this clear class stance, showing how capital reorganizes new technologies not as human liberation but as despotic whips of supervision, we owe you a heartfelt thanks.
Yet Comrade Arif, when I lay your text on the table as a Marxist philosopher and epistemologist, I observed certain theoretical blind spots where we must reinforce your theoretical line with Leninist sharpness and dialectically carry it one step further. Permit me, in the light of the philosophical legacy of Marx and Lenin, to unfold those knot points in your text with comradely candor.
A Real Domination Beyond Marx: "Cognitive Appropriation"
In your text you establish a very correct ground by leaning on Karl Marx's immortal concepts of "Formal Domination" and "Real Domination" in the Supplement to Capital. You explain how capital, not contenting itself with external controls such as turnstiles and cameras, seizes the production process from within by assuming the form of the machine. You also position artificial intelligence and algorithmic management as a contemporary extension of this "real domination."
Our Epistemological Objection:
What is missing here philosophically is the qualitative difference of artificial intelligence from classical industrial machines. What did Marx say in the machinery section of Capital, comrade?
"In machine production, the labor process is reversed and acquires a palpable technical reality; the worker no longer uses the instrument of labor—the instrument of labor uses the worker."
Yet in classical large-scale industry, the machine absorbed and objectified the worker's biological and motor movements (arm strength, speed, physical skill). Taylorism, too, divided these bodily movements into seconds and absolutized standardization.
In the age of artificial intelligence and algorithmic management, comrade, capital no longer seizes only the worker's muscular power; it forcibly tears from the worker's (and even the middle manager's) hands their cognitive heuristics—that is, the capacity for intuitive decision-making, analysis, classification, and synthesis—and transfers them into blocks of code.
The phenomenon before us is not an ordinary "administrative control tool"; it is the direct reorganization, in the form of fixed capital, of humanity's historical social intelligence as an "Epistemic Guardian" against living labor. By treating this process merely as an "oppressive administrative layer," we have somewhat left in the shadow the deep philosophical character of dispossession that artificial intelligence creates over mental labor.
Dialectical Blind Spot: The Suicide of Absolute Control and the Crisis of Value
You have incorporated into your text, with a very valuable historical reading, how Charles Babbage, as early as the 1830s, laid the first seeds of algorithmic management by breaking complex intellectual processes into small operational parts. You analyze very clearly how work is standardized on crowdwork platforms and in generative artificial intelligence applications, and how graphic designers and programmers are deskilled.
Bringing the Dialectical Contradiction to Light:
Yet comrade, you do not fully reflect here the most magnificent law of Marxist epistemology: the power of contradiction to negate itself. The moment capital absolutely standardizes work processes through algorithmic control and reduces human consciousness to a simple input-output machine, it is in fact philosophically and economically organizing its own suicide.
Let us go to the heart of Marx's Labor-Value theory: As capital's organic composition ($c/v$) grows infinitely in favor of fixed capital ($c$), living labor ($v$) is extinguished. Capitalism's ontological impasse that it cannot overcome lies precisely here: Capital wants to bring labor under absolute control by fully automating it; yet the moment it fully automates labor, it destroys that "living creative labor" which is the sole source of surplus value, thereby preparing its own end in the grip of the Law of the Tendency of the Rate of Profit to Fall.
Upwork's destruction of the worker's autonomy by taking six screenshots per hour, or artificial intelligence's fencing in of the graphic designer's creativity, stems not from capital's strength but from that existential panic and impotence of a system struggling to produce value. While your text focuses on the psychological devastation, stress, and burnout that supervision creates, we do not fully decipher the enormous structural paralysis that this desire for absolute control produces in capitalism's law of value.
A Leninist Intervention: From the "Cyber Post Office" to Socialist Planning
The most vital place in your text is the MHRS (Central Physician Appointment System) example you give from Turkey's health system. You have written brilliantly about how this system, imposing an appointment every ten minutes, turns medicine—a field of high expertise—into a despotism of "assembly-line production." And at the end of your text you have added a very valuable note:
"When this system is reconfigured not according to capitalist principles but according to human and medical principles, it can be used in a way that strengthens people's access to qualified health care."
Here Is the Promethean Horizon We Seek!
When Lenin, in State and Revolution (1917), analyzed the capitalist state apparatus, what did he say about the "Post Office," that period's most advanced institutional mechanism, comrade?
"We have before us a huge social mechanism, extremely well equipped with modern technique. The post office is an example of a socialist economic mechanism. (...) All we need is to tear this mechanism from the capitalists, place it at the command of the workers' state, that is, to break the monopolist shell of exploitation."
The MHRS you mention, Amazon's ToT (Time off Task) software, and the distribution algorithms of crowd platforms are philosophically precisely that "cyber post office" Lenin spoke of.
By building these digital networks to exploit the worker more ferociously and to supervise every fraction of a second of time, capital has technically refuted with its own hands the thesis of liberal bourgeois economists like Hayek that "Central planning is impossible, because no central authority can calculate society's scattered map of information and time."
Through algorithmic control, capital makes all of society's hidden coordinates of time, need, and production measurable within seconds, and has fully prepared the objective technical infrastructure of socialist planning. Our revolutionary horizon does not command us to shrink in fear before these digital control mechanisms; it commands us to break the "profit and exploitation" codes behind those algorithms and place this magnificent computational infrastructure at the command of Red Cybernetic Planning Committees.
Yevgeny Zamyatin's "Table of Hours" and the Dialectical Limit of the Algorithmic Panopticon
Yevgeny Zamyatin, that early-period dystopian genius of classical Russian and Soviet literature, in his 1920 novel We, depicts a "One State" in which Taylorist principles have reached absolute dominance. There, every second of people's lives is dictated by a mathematical chart called the "Table of Hours," specifying when to breathe and when to chew. Zamyatin sensed early the despotic essence of Taylorism's desire to reduce human consciousness and body to rational numbers.
Comrade Arif, the ToT (Time off Task) stopwatches at Amazon, the ADAPT software, and Upwork's surveillance mechanisms that hunt down seconds, which you describe in your article, are the digital and perfectly flesh-and-bone incarnation of Zamyatin's "Table of Hours." Through algorithmic management, capital believes it has imprisoned the worker in an absolute cage of control by valorizing every movement, every keystroke.
Yet the most fundamental law of Marxist epistemology enters precisely here, at the limit of this absolute rationalization: Turning into its own opposite.
The more capital breaks the labor process into the smallest parts with Taylorist hysteria, the more it standardizes it and turns the worker into an algorithmic appendage, the more it also destroys the worker's singular, local, and particular "occupational isolation." This radical homogenization of work processes is, in a philosophical sense, the birth of a universal proletarian substance. The programmer facing Upwork, the courier in the Amazon warehouse, and the physician on the MHRS assembly line are now, for capital, limbs of a single homogeneous body measured in the same algorithmic language and subjected to the same standardization. As capital absolutizes control, it with its own hands forges the class's fragmented structure into a vast "Collective Worker."
The Epistemic Unity of Fragmented Tasks: The Networked Class
In your article you draw attention to that excessively detailed division of labor on crowdwork platforms: A large work plan is broken into second-long micro-tasks; the worker completes only the standardized piece placed before them without knowing what they serve. This situation is, in an epistemological sense, the worker's radical severance from "knowledge of the whole" (the theory of totality). The worker is abstracted from design and from the integral plan.
Yet this mechanical fragmentation is only one face of the medal under bourgeois property relations. The philosophical grasp that will bend this process in reverse is hidden in the sentence Marx establishes in Capital for collective productive power:
"As the collective worker organism develops, individual workers become limbs of a productive body. The process is fragmented, but this fragmentation presupposes the absolute unity of the total mechanism."
Those second-long tasks that capital distributes to all corners of the world through digital labor platforms are in fact a vast "Cognitive Assembly Line" operating on a global scale. Workers are spatially disconnected from one another, yet algorithmically linked through an instantaneous feedback loop.
The Total Worker is precisely this network itself. The Asian worker assembling hardware, the African click worker classifying data, the Western programmer managing the server, and the warehouse worker providing logistics in the field objectively form a single global productive nervous system through the fiber-optic cables capital built to optimize exploitation.
While capital believes it has abstracted knowledge from the worker, by making the entire labor process dependent on a single cyber-network it has in fact absolutized its own fragility. Any rupture at a nodal point carries within it that dialectical power which will paralyze the entire algorithmic assembly line.
Leninist "What Is to Be Done?": Seizing the Algorithmic Protocol
Comrade Arif, while your article brilliantly displays the devastation that the intensification of labor supervision inflicts on workers' health, stress, and anxiety, you also emphasize that these despotic labor regimes inevitably trigger workers' counter-struggles. You note that power relations are not absolute but are continuously renegotiated along the axes of space and time.
Precisely at this point we must summon to our philosophical arsenal that founding organizational intelligence in Lenin's What Is to Be Done? (1902). To ideologically and institutionally unite the worker masses scattered through the factories of that period, Lenin positioned the "All-Russia Central Organ of Publication" (the newspaper) as a collective organizer. The newspaper ensured the flow of living information between scattered factories and raised the class from the consciousness of being a class "in itself" to being a class "for itself."
In today's algorithmic world of production, that "Leninist Newspaper" function which will organize the Total Worker's hand reaching for the switch has been transferred into the cyber-space of those very algorithmic networks capital built.
- Capital operates Upwork screens, Amazon ADAPT software, and MHRS appointment schedules to supervise the worker by the second.
- Yet these systems have made the work process more transparent, measurable, and open than ever before in history.
- The Total Worker's hand reaching for the switch does not mean smashing turnstiles or crashing digital systems to flee into an analog world.
- Reaching for the switch means, as in Lenin's strategy of seizing the post office, taking hold, in the name of the class, of the algorithmic protocols, code sovereignty, and managerial decisions behind these systems.
The Epistemological Power of the Switch
Comrade Arif; as you also note at the end of your article, that mystical bourgeois wind blowing around digitalization and artificial intelligence tries to abstract technology from its social character and reduce it to a technical fate. Our philosophical task is to shatter this fatalism.
As capital removes the manager hierarchy and puts the algorithm in its place, it masks exploitation as an objective technical necessity. Yet the moment the Total Worker grasps that the real productive power behind those smart gloves, screenshot counters, and appointment automata is its own body, that algorithmic spell will be broken.
The switch is not in the cloud servers; it is in the mines that bring those servers into being, in the keyboards that label that data, and in the hands that carry those boxes. When the Total Worker's cyber-organized will reaches that switch, capital's despotic labor regime will turn into its own opposite, and humanity will make that great historical leap from the realm of necessity toward that realm of freedom rationally optimized by algorithm. Health to your pen, comrade.
All Power to Cyber-Networks and Councils!





