The Class Anatomy of the AHBAP Process

Dear Young Comrades,

At every juncture where late capitalism wrestles with historical and structural crises, the bourgeois order confronts us with new philosophical illusions, aestheticized trades in emotion, and ideological masks. Today the debates conducted through the AHBAP Association, Haluk Levent, and the connected networks of capital and bureaucracy stand precisely at the center of this curtain.

The bourgeois media and liberal academia market this process to the masses through two shallow dichotomies: they either tear the matter from its systemic context and present it as "individual immorality and fraud," or they declare a structure standing at the very heart of the capital markets "an untouchable, sacred oasis of philanthropy."

For a dialectical materialist, both of these bourgeois narratives are equally idealist and distorting. One clears property relations by unloading guilt onto the individual; the other deepens class blindness through a fetishism of "good intentions."

Our task is to tear ourselves, with resolve, free from this emotional exploitation by the culture industry and from the illusions of advertising. We can reduce the event neither to individual morality nor to abstract humanism. The objective reality is this: What we are witnessing is the inevitable bankruptcy of neoliberal destatization, of the expropriation of public right, and of the marketized NGO model.

In this text, we analyze the process through five fundamental dialectical moments:

Neoliberal Retreat and NGO-isation: The economic causes of the state's flight from the public sphere and of the substitution of constitutional rights by a "regime of grace."
The Rotting Public and the Helplessness of the Poor: The refuge that propertyless masses take in AHBAP as an existential reflex, after structures such as AFAD and the Red Crescent (Kızılay) have been corporatized.
The Relentless Dialectic of Disaster: The exposure of the lie that "everyone is equal before the fault line"; the functioning of disasters as a class filter and an instrument of discrimination.
The Hero Myth and Concrete Accounting: The pacifying function of individual messianism and the concrete economic scrutiny of resources circulating through finance-capital networks under the armor of "good intentions."
Public Right and the Collectivist Horizon: The construction of a world of unconditional, undifferentiated, and public equality—one that needs neither individual mercy nor bourgeois philanthropy.

Now, in the light of this integral perspective, we proceed to analyze, step by step, neoliberal decay and the class reality behind it.

Under What Material Conditions Was AHBAP Born? Neoliberal Retreat and the Illusion of Philanthropy

Young comrades, the most fundamental philosophical law of dialectical materialism is this: What determines social consciousness, institutions, and moral values is not people's intentions, but the objective conditions under which they produce and reproduce their material existence.

The mushrooming of AHBAP and similar structures with a "civil society" appearance cannot be explained, as bourgeois media propaganda would have it, by Haluk Levent's "personal mercy" or by society's "genetic philanthropy." That approach is a shallow analysis that tears the phenomenon from its historical roots and sinks into subjective idealism.

AHBAP is the necessary product of the concrete historical and economic conditions in which late capitalism wrestles with crises, the neoliberal bourgeois state systematically withdraws from the public sphere, and the regime of capital accumulation is blocked.

The Structural Transformation of the Neoliberal State and the Deliberate Disempowerment of the Public

To grasp the ground of AHBAP's existence, one must first analyze, with a dialectical grasp, the qualitative transformation the bourgeois state apparatus has undergone over the last forty years:

"Public Guarantee" Treated as a Burden on Capital: Public rights such as health, housing, education, and disaster security—wrenched away through the organized struggle of the working class in capitalism's ascending period—have, in the phase of late capitalism confronting the tendency of the rate of profit to fall, become for capital "an intolerable cost item."
The Market's Invasion of the Public Sphere: Under neoliberal rhetoric, the state has been stripped of being an organization that meets society's vital needs. Public institutions have been rescued from being structures that serve the people and handed over to processes of privatization, contractor gangs, financial speculation, and channels of rent transfer.
The Corruption of Public Institutions (The Red Crescent and AFAD Example): Structures such as the Red Crescent (Kızılay) and AFAD, the public accumulation of years, have been transformed into commercial enterprises managed with a merchant mentality, corporatized, directly marketized, and so degraded as to sell tents and blood in a disaster.

The bourgeois state makes its presence felt at the maximum when collecting taxes and fortifying public order and the coercive force. Yet when it comes to protecting the worker's life, home, and future from disasters such as earthquakes, it deliberately and willingly disempowers itself in accordance with market discipline. AHBAP has been built precisely upon this immense public wreckage that the bourgeois state has intentionally created.

The Class Function of the Policy of "NGO-isation"

The capitalist order is aware that in the space from which the state has withdrawn, a vast poverty, helplessness, and above all a class anger has accumulated. To prevent this anger from radicalizing and targeting property relations and the bourgeois state directly, the strategy of "NGO-isation" is put into effect on a global scale.

The Absorption of Class Anger: The burning anger of the poor people whose buildings collapse upon their heads in an earthquake will turn directly against the state that issues construction amnesties and against rentier construction capital. Structures such as AHBAP are a social shock absorber that softens this potential explosive dynamic and channels anger into the canals of "making donations," "boosting morale," and "aid races."
The Screening of Those Responsible: Civil-society activism renders invisible the real perpetrators of the destruction—the rotten-building contractors, the bureaucrats who issue construction permits, and rent policies. The system substitutes the illusion "Has Haluk Levent reached the region?" for the question "Where is the state?" and transforms the political crisis into a sensational aid campaign.

From a Regime of Rights to a Regime of Grace: The Commodification of Conscience

The order that AHBAP represents is the destruction of the concept of public right and its replacement by the concepts of grace and mercy. This is a heavy ideological blow struck against the consciousness of the laboring masses.

The Lie of Constitutional Right: Constitutionally, every citizen has the right to live in safe housing and to receive unpaid aid from the state at the moment of disaster. This is not a posture of petitioning; it is the objective counterpart of the taxes paid from the value produced by the working class.
The Relation of Grace and Gratitude: The AHBAP model effectively abolishes this constitutional right. The poor person is no longer "an organized citizen seeking their rights," but is reduced to the position of a "begging victim" left to the mercy of an association, a screen face, or wealthy donors.
"Conscience" as an Object of Consumption: For the petty bourgeoisie and the middle classes, donating 50 TL by sending an SMS is an act of purification from the guilt created by the capitalist system. The donor purchases peace of conscience; the poor feel gratitude for having saved their lives. Production relations and the order of exploitation are completely screened off.

Comparison of the Regime of Public Right with the NGO / Regime of Grace

Criterion of Analysis	Bourgeois NGO / Regime of Grace (AHBAP Model)	Collectivist Regime of Public Right
Material Basis	Neoliberal destatization, capital donations, individual conscience.	Collective ownership of the means of production and collectivist planning.
Conception of the Human Being	A passive "object of donation," waiting for grace, dependent on mercy.	An equal "social subject" who determines their own future and seeks their rights.
Mechanism of Access	Dependent on the association's budget, popularity, and media initiative.	Unconditional and constitutional, without distinction of class, ethnicity, religion, or gender.
Class Function	Absorbs class anger; conceals the responsibility of the bourgeois state.	Transforms social solidarity into class consciousness and organized power.
Relation to the Market	Inside finance capital, bank accounts, and PR strategies.	Rejects market relations; mobilizes public resources for society.

The "Industry of Goodness": Capital's Arena for Image-Washing

However "innocent" AHBAP may appear at the founding stage, with the billions of lira in financial volume it collects it has become directly a part of the capital markets and of bourgeois media.

The Whitewashing of Dirty Capital: The great holdings that rob the people at the moment of earthquake and abandon workers to death in workplaces appear on screens as "philanthropists" through their million-lira donations to AHBAP. This operation is nothing other than capital's strategy of whitewashing its crimes.
The Commodification of Solidarity: People's natural and collective desire for solidarity has been commodified by being compressed into bank account numbers, SMS codes, and digital wallets. Solidarity has been stripped of being a class's self-organization and transformed into a commercial operation filtered through financial capital.

AHBAP is a patch of conscience that the bourgeoisie produces, in the social space devastated by neoliberal brutality, in order to protect its own order.

In a milieu where the state flees its public responsibilities and the Red Crescent (Kızılay) has been corporatized, the birth of AHBAP is not a coincidence but the capitalist system's reflex of survival. Our task is to explain to the masses, in naked clarity, the class void and the public expropriation beneath this packaging of "goodness."

Rotting Bourgeois Institutions and the Helpless Refuge of the Poor

Young comrades, one of the most fundamental grasps of dialectical logic is that no phenomenon can exist alone, as an isolated "subject." The legitimacy of a social structure, or the mass trust felt toward it, is not an independent causality; it is a dialectical relation of the unity and struggle of opposites.

The mass trust directed toward AHBAP and similar structures cannot be explained by some mystical "purity" or "miraculous capacity" those institutions are claimed to possess. This trust is the dialectical consequence of the immense void created by the qualitative rotting of the bourgeois state apparatus and of its public organs.

As the loss of legitimacy and function of official institutions deepens, the search of the masses in helplessness will turn toward the nearest "illusion of refuge." We must break the economic and class roots of the process into the following fundamental moments:

The Corporatization of Public Institutions and Qualitative Decay

In the classical bourgeois state, there existed apparatuses such as the Red Crescent (Kızılay), AFAD, public hospitals, or search-and-rescue organizations that preserved the image of the "social state" in order to keep the masses within the system. Yet in the phase of late capitalism, capital's drive to commodify every sphere against the tendency of the rate of profit to fall has transformed these public organs directly into corporations and centers for the distribution of rent.

Commodified Life Security: The process concretized in the Red Crescent (Kızılay) example exhibits perfectly the dialectical law of the transformation of quantity into quality. The institution into which a merchant mentality was injected step by step over the years finally became, at the most horrific moment of the earthquake, a commercial holding selling tents, food, and blood to its own citizens. Public service was reduced to a commodity producing profit.
Meritlessness and the Mechanism of Rent: Disaster-management organs such as AFAD have been stripped of being technical-scientific apparatuses that organize the life of the masses at the moment of catastrophe, and turned into a field for the power bloc's cadre-feeding, budget-plundering, and the transfer of tenders to loyal contractors.
The Securitization of the State: While the bourgeois state deliberately leaves its capacity for disaster intervention idle, it keeps at the maximum its capacity to protect the coercive forces, the bureaucracy, and capital property. That is, the state has shown its presence in the field not to pull the poor from the rubble, but to protect the property relations and the order of power around the rubble.

Class Helplessness: The Existential Vise of the Propertyless Masses

What determines the attitude of the masses at moments of earthquake or crisis is their objective position within production relations. The desperate clinging of society's poorest sections to structures such as AHBAP is not an ideological choice of consciousness; it is a naked existential reflex of helplessness.

Classes With Material Security and Capital ──► Private Insurance / Secure Property / Financial Means ──► No Need for Refuge

The Propertyless and Precarious Working Class ──► Rotting Public / Destroyed Rights ──► AHBAP / NGO Refuge

The Defenselessness of the Poor: For the wealthy classes, disaster is a process that can be weathered or whose effects can be mitigated thanks to reserve capital, private health insurance, second homes, and financial means. For propertyless proletarians, catastrophe means the leveling of the sole means of life they possess.
The Straw Reflex: In a tableau of horror where the public has entirely disappeared and official institutions rob the people, the poor people have clung to AHBAP like "a drowning person clinging to a straw." This act of clinging is not an "approval of legitimacy"; it is a cry for survival in the vise of capitalist helplessness.

From Distrust to the Illusion of Refuge: Dialectical Transformation

Hatred and distrust toward official bourgeois institutions dialectically give birth to their own opposite. The more the masses become alienated from the state's official mechanisms, the more they turn, with a fragile optimism, toward figures and structures packaged as "above politics," "clean," "civil," and "transparent."

Alienation from the State: When the poor masses see the state's police, administrator, and bureaucrat not at their side but at the side of the rentier contractor and the bourgeoisie, they experience a deep social alienation.
The Charismatic Leader and the False Oasis: Against this alienating rottenness of the state, media-friendly and charismatic figures such as Haluk Levent are perceived as "heroes of the people" purified of all the system's evils. Yet this situation is a virtual process of rehabilitation that prevents mass anger from transforming into class consciousness.
The Collapse of the Illusion: Because an NGO, by its structure, cannot be independent of market relations and bourgeois law, it inevitably confronts, after a time, banks, audit scandals, or bureaucratic obstacles. The refuge to which the poor clung in desperation collapses upon striking the crises of the system.

Bourgeois State Institutions, the Reality of the Poor, and the NGO Illusion

Dialectical Dimension	Rotting Bourgeois Institutions (AFAD / Red Crescent)	The Material Reality of the Poor Proletariat	NGO / AHBAP Illusion of Refuge
Objective Function	Distributing rent; protecting capital and property; selling tents/blood.	Remaining under the destruction with no accumulation and no security.	Absorbing the risk of social explosion created by systemic collapse.
Social Relation	Bureaucratic domination, merchant logic, meritless cadre-building.	A victim whose channels of rights-seeking are closed, helpless and awaiting gratitude.	A false sense of "transparency" and "equality" through charismatic figures.
Horizon of the Future	Continuing corporatization by marketizing public resources.	Continually seeking a savior so long as it does not discover its own self-power.	Going bankrupt by sinking into market relations and capital networks.

From Helplessness to Revolutionary Self-Organization

Young comrades, the rotting of bourgeois institutions and the turning of the poor, in helplessness, toward false refuges is an inevitable dynamic of late capitalism.

Yet for a Marxist this tableau cannot be an occasion for fatalistic pessimism. Dialectical thought teaches us that the deep distrust the masses feel toward official institutions can, through a correct class intervention, be transformed into a revolutionary consciousness.

The place to which the poor masses will take refuge cannot be corporatized state organs, nor can it be media-friendly NGOs floundering within the limits of the capitalist order.

The only way out of helplessness is the independent and revolutionary self-organization of the working class, which manages its own life, neighborhood, city, and future directly with its own hands. The sole power that will build a world in which one need not depend on heroes and NGOs is this class consciousness itself.

The Relentless Dialectic of Disaster: The Cycle of Class Difference and Discrimination

Young comrades, the philosophically most insidious lie that bourgeois media, liberal academia, and the mass communication apparatuses of the ruling class circulate most at moments of catastrophe is this: "Natural disasters do not distinguish rich from poor, boss from worker; everyone is equal before the fault line."

This claim is a typical bourgeois sophistry constructed to liquidate the materialist method and to unload class contradictions onto the back of nature.

Dialectical materialism teaches us that the breaking of a fault line, the compression of magma, or the falling of rain are objective physical events. Yet the transformation of this physical event into a social wreckage, a mass slaughter, and a destructive catastrophe is entirely the work of production relations, the property regime, and class domination.

Moments of earthquake or crisis do not neutralize the class gulfs in society; on the contrary, they crystallize them in their most naked, most savage, and most austere form. Disaster is the class filter of late capitalism.

Disaster as a Class Filter: The Commodification of the Right to Life

In the capitalist social formation, housing and security are not constitutional rights but commodities bought and sold on the market. This crude reality is the fundamental objective parameter that determines who will die and who will survive at the moment of disaster.

Class Contradiction Turned to Concrete: What falls to the share of propertyless proletarians are coffin-houses from which materials have been stolen to increase profit margins, legitimized by construction amnesties, and the city's least rentable, most fragile grounds. The bourgeoisie, by contrast, lives on the geologically safest lines of the city, in sheltered residences or villas that have received engineering services without deficiency. What collapses is not only buildings, but the objectified architecture of poverty.
The Class Hierarchy of Rescue: Immediately after the catastrophe, even the dispatch of search-and-rescue and emergency intervention capacities operates with a class logic. While financial centers, bourgeois residential areas, and strategic production infrastructures are rapidly secured, poor laboring neighborhoods are abandoned to their fate—that is, to death under the rubble.

The State's Biopolitical Preference: Ethnic, Political, and Regional Discrimination

The bourgeois state does not act at moments of crisis as a neutral "arbiter of society." On the contrary, to sustain its survival and to secure capital accumulation, it transforms the disaster into an instrument of biopolitical control and discrimination.

The Politicization of Aid: The state apparatus, when distributing tents, food, health, and infrastructure services, observes vote potential, lines of political loyalty, and ideological proximity. Regions opposed to the power bloc, laboring centers, and sections seen at the bottom of the hierarchy are systematically punished or deprived of aid.
The Ethnic and Sectarian Sieve: The ruling class divides the masses by reproducing, at the moment of disaster, the chauvinist and reactionary ideology it has historically accumulated. Geographies in which particular ethnic or sectarian identities are concentrated are deliberately written off. Thus the state uses the catastrophe as an opportunity for "population engineering" and "spatial depopulation."
The Security of Property vs. the Life of the Human Being: When the state's coercive forces go to the disaster region, their priority task is not to pull people from under the rubble, but to protect the bourgeoisie's property, banks, chain markets, and rent zones. While the cry of the poor is suppressed, capital's property is encircled with barricades.

The Comparative Class Position of the Bourgeoisie and the Proletariat at the Moment of Disaster

Plane of Analysis	Ruling Classes (Bourgeoisie and Bureaucracy)	Oppressed Classes (Proletariat and Poor Masses)
Housing and Space	Sheltered properties built on safe grounds of high rent value.	Cheap structures that are amnesty-covered, rotten, unsupervised, and in the city's riskiest regions.
Means at the Moment of Crisis	Private vehicles, reserve financial capital, secondary homes, and private health networks.	Having nothing to lose but one's naked body; complete helplessness.
Attitude of the State Apparatus	A privileged class whose property is protected and given logistical and security priority.	Masses supervised by military/coercive pressure and deprived of aid on political grounds.
Post-Disaster Process	Multiplying wealth through insurance policies and state subsidies (New Construction Rent).	Being dispossessed through indebtedness, displaced, and transformed into a reserve of cheap labor.

AHBAP and the NGO Trap as the Poor's "Last Refuge"

It is precisely at this point—that is, in that hellish milieu created by the state's discriminatory and class abandonment—that the relentless dialectic behind the turning of the poor masses toward structures such as AHBAP comes into the open:

The Dependency Produced by Helplessness: In an environment where the state cuts off aid—or never goes at all—according to sect, political view, or ethnic identity, AHBAP, which declares that it "brings aid without looking at political identity," becomes a last refuge for otherized poor people.
From the Seeking of Rights to the Feeling of Gratitude: This situation leads to a dangerous fracture in the consciousness of the poor masses. Instead of organizing to wrench from the bourgeois state the public service that is their right, the poor person, upon seeing a helping hand extended to them, feels a deep refugee gratitude toward that NGO and its charismatic leader.
The Trap of Fragile Humanism: In geographies where ethnic and political discrimination spreads like a poison, structures such as AHBAP are perceived as a "network of happiness and goodness." Yet this network is a pacifying opium that covers over class contradictions and does not bring into question the bourgeois state and the property regime that are the fundamental source of discrimination.

Dialectical Grasp and Class Orientation

Young comrades! The relentless dialectic of disaster shows us that what remains under the rubble is not only bricks and cement; what remains under the rubble is the bourgeois state's lie of "neutrality" and of "embracing everyone."

Discrimination and class violence are the natural apparatuses to which late capitalism resorts at moments of crisis. What will extricate the poor masses from this cycle of class and ethnic discrimination is not the donations of the rich or the so-called humanist inclusivity of NGOs.

It is the organization of all the oppressed—whom they attempt to divide from one another with ethnic, political, or religious barricades—on a common class line against the capitalist order and its bourgeois state apparatus, which are the true responsible parties for these catastrophes.

Genuine solidarity is not to unite in victimhood and feel gratitude; it is to build the revolutionary will that will abolish the property relations that create these crises.

The Hero Myth, Individual Messianism, and the Concreteness of Accounting

Young comrades, one of the greatest epistemological revolutions of dialectical materialism in the history of philosophy is that it has smashed bourgeois idealism, which explains historical and social processes by the individual wills of "kings, commanders, genius artists, or heroes."

As Marx expressed in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte: people make their own history, but they do not make it as they please, under circumstances they choose themselves, but under objective circumstances they confront directly, inherited from the past.

Bourgeois ideology, amid social crises and destructions, continually produces new hero myths and individual messianism in order to prevent the masses from reaching class consciousness. The mystical atmosphere woven around the AHBAP process and Haluk Levent is precisely a concrete example of this idealist illusion of the "savior."

We must resolve the phenomenon on its class and materialist foundations, going beyond individual intentions and emotional agitations.

Individual Messianism and Class Pacification

The capitalist culture industry and bourgeois media construct society not as "classes" struggling collectively, but as a "herd of passive victims" in need of a savior. Individual messianism is precisely the philosophical name of this operation of pacification.

The Savior Illusion: Messianic logic injects this message into the masses: "Do not organize; do not take to the streets to seek your rights; do not question the state and the capitalist order. There is an honest, charismatic, and magnanimous 'angel of goodness' who runs around in your place." The individual hero is an ideological substitute that takes the place of society's self-power and collective action.
The Liquidation of Class Consciousness: The moment a people binds the solution of its problems to the generosity and energy of individual figures, it becomes unable to grasp its own class power. Solidarity is stripped of being a class's act of taking its own destiny into its hands and is transformed into a theater of watching the charismatic leader's "personal performance."

The Trade in "Intention" vs. Material Reality and Accountability

The bourgeois world of art and media creates an immense fetishism of intention by placing emotionality and "good intention" ahead of objective reality. The discourse "The man runs around day and night; can one doubt his good intentions?" is an ideological armor used to paralyze scientific and class scrutiny.

For dialectical materialism, feeling and intention cannot be an objective criterion. What a structure does, the quality of the resources it collects, and the transparency of its financial processes are measured by concrete data:

The Objective Laws of Capital Flow: The moment billions of lira in public donations and capital transfers enter an association's body, that money ceases to be "goodness"; it becomes a part of the capitalist financial market. Bank accounts, interest, tender processes, subcontracting relations, and cost items must be supervised not by emotional speeches but by dialectical economic analyses.
Informality and Class Responsibility: Informal money transfers, vague invoices, or tender irregularities reflected in investigations and audit reports cannot be dismissed as "small negligences amid the rush." Every structure that enters into capital relations must carry, even beyond bourgeois law, first and foremost a materialist accountability toward the working class and the public.
The Rejection of Untouchability: No one can be exempted from public scrutiny and concrete accountability by reason of popularity, past pop-culture celebrity, or tears on screens. To sacralize persons is idealism; to look at concrete facts is materialism.

Comparison of Individual Messianism with Collective Class Organization

Plane of Analysis	Individual Messianism / Bourgeois Hero Myth	Collective Class Organization and Concrete Accounting
Philosophical Basis	Subjective Idealism ("Good individuals change the world").	Materialist Dialectics ("It is organized masses who make history").
Conception of the Subject	A single charismatic figure, a popular screen face.	The working class, laborers, and their self-organized organs.
Social Role	Makes the masses spectators and dependents; pacifies.	Makes the masses decision-makers and agents; liberates.
Criterion of Legitimacy	Intention, emotional agitation, popularity, and the discourse of "goodness."	Concrete data, financial transparency, collective scrutiny, and praxis.
Attitude at the Moment of Crisis	Protecting personal image; clearing oneself by blaming "systemic negligence."	Transparent accounting; detecting errors through collective mechanisms.

Demolishing Heroes, Building Collective Power

Young comrades! The bourgeois order will confront us in every crisis with new messiahs, new icons of goodness, and new "untouchable" heroes. Because this order fears the truth that the masses can collectively manage their own lives and cities without needing a hero.

The blockages Haluk Levent or any other person experiences in judicial and administrative processes are not individual tragedies; they are the inevitable collapse of the model of individual messianism before the reality of late capitalism.

Our task is to tear off the emotional packaging, to demand with concrete data an accounting of every kuruş collected and every operation conducted, and to tell the masses this naked truth:

Revolutionary Truth:

The emancipation of humanity and of the working class does not lie in the mercy of charismatic heroes, of NGOs intricately entangled with capital, or of screen faces. Emancipation lies in the arms of the organized class itself, which takes its own destiny into its hands, demands accounting, and builds its future collectively.

Not Grace but Public Right: The Horizon of a Future Where None Is Needed

Young comrades, bourgeois ideology and the neoliberal order have injected into the minds of the masses one of the most insidious conceptual poisons: "Social Aid."

While the capitalist order commodifies the people's most basic life requirements and abandons them to hunger, cold, and death at moments of catastrophe, it brings into play, to makeup over this destruction, gracious concepts such as "benevolence," "donation," and "social support."

Viewed from the standpoint of dialectical materialism, even the concept of "social aid" itself is the expression of a class inequality and of public expropriation. If a society needs "social aid," then public rights have been expropriated there and the laboring masses have been dispossessed.

Our aim is not to have structures such as AHBAP collect more donations, or to make the merchant institutions of the bourgeois state a little more "humane." Our horizon line is to build a social order in which no citizen will remain dependent on the mercy of an association, the initiative of a screen face, or the political grace of the bourgeois state.

Decommodification: The Public Essence of Life Security

Capitalism has transformed housing, health, nutrition, and disaster security into commodities sold on the market. Your security is as much as your money; your chance of living is as much as your budget.

In a collectivist and revolutionary perspective of the future, these vital spheres must be taken entirely outside market relations:

Housing Freed from the Commodity: That a human being live in an earthquake-resistant, safe dwelling cannot be left to market conditions, bank credits, or contractor profits. Housing is an unconditional public counterpart of produced social wealth.
Disaster Security Freed from Commerce: Search-and-rescue, food distribution, tents, and medical intervention cannot be a "market service" or a "donation organization." These are direct and free public services that the state or public organs are obligated to carry out.

The Qualitative Gulf Between the "Regime of Grace" and the "Regime of Public Right"

The difference between bourgeois philanthropy and the collectivist conception of right is not a simple preference of method; it is the conflict of two opposed class worldviews.

Bourgeois philanthropy (NGO-ism / the AHBAP model) seats the social relation upon a hierarchy. On one side stands the "giving, pitying, saving" bourgeois/petty-bourgeois donor; on the other, the "receiving, remaining helpless, feeling gratitude" poor mass. This situation wounds the human dignity of the oppressed and pacifies them.

The regime of public right, by contrast, rejects hierarchy. The citizen, when receiving the service that is their right, is obligated to thank no one and to feel gratitude toward no one. Because that service is the natural result of the social value they themselves produced and of the collective structure of which they are a part.

Undifferentiated and Unconditional Equality: The Austere Reality of Being Human

The bourgeois state applies political, ethnic, religious, or class discrimination even at moments of catastrophe. It distributes aid according to vote potential, writes off opposition regions, and builds hierarchy according to its reactionary and chauvinist fantasies.

The revolutionary conception of public right, by contrast, defends an unconditional and relentless equality:

Access Beyond Class, Ethnicity, and Belief: At the moment of catastrophe, one cannot ask of what class a person is, what language they speak, what belief they belong to, or whom they voted for, in order for them to be pulled from the rubble and to reach a hot soup and a safe tent in which to shelter their head.
Human-Centered Public Security: The individual, solely by virtue of being a part of this society and a human being, has the right to access every kind of public opportunity at the maximum level and equally.

Comparison of Bourgeois Philanthropy with the Collectivist Regime of Public Right

Plane of Analysis	Bourgeois Philanthropy (AHBAP / NGO Model)	Collectivist Regime of Public Right
Social Status	Passive "victim," a sufferer awaiting mercy.	Equal, rights-seeking, and decision-making "collective subject."
Form of Relation	Hierarchical "Giving Hand – Receiving Hand" relation (Grace/Gratitude).	Horizontal, comradely, and constitutional relation of "Equal Citizenship."
Ground	Individual conscience, profit-washing, PR, and religious/moral feelings.	Socialization of the means of production and human existence.
Condition of Access	Dependent on the association's budget, campaign, and media interest.	Unconditional, uninterrupted, constitutional, and free.
Form of Politicization	Absorbs class anger; narcotizes and pacifies the masses.	Raises class consciousness; builds public scrutiny and self-power.

The Revolutionary Horizon: The Structural Withering Away of NGOs

Young comrades! The greatest power of dialectical thought is that it can grasp the future not with today's rotten categories, but with a qualitative leap in which those categories have been abolished (Aufhebung).

Our ultimate aim is not to "manage AHBAP or the Red Crescent (Kızılay) better." Our aim is to establish a collectivist order in which there remains no need whatsoever for AHBAPs, aid associations, bourgeois donors, and regimes of grace.

In a future in which all means of production, real estate, health infrastructure, and technological capacities pass into society's collective ownership, and in which production is planned not for profit but for human needs:

Disaster Security will be a direct principal principle of public planning and scientific architecture.
Housing and Health will be transformed into a natural, free, and unconditional right, like breathing.
NGOs and Charitable Institutions will lose their historical function and be consigned to the museum of capitalism.

Those who wish to reach the stars do not waste time beautifying the shackles on their feet. AHBAP and similar structures are the rusty shackles that neoliberal collapse has fastened around our ankles.

We will expose these relations of dependence created by the capitalist order; against the opium of philanthropy we will raise the banner of public right, and against the feeling of gratitude, organized class consciousness!

Conclusion and Revolutionary Task: Humanity's Collective Emancipation and the Horizon of Unconditional Equality

Young comrades, the greatest historical grasp that dialectical materialist philosophy has conferred upon humanity is this: We cannot reach austere truth without stripping away the ideological illusions that cover over social life, the aestheticized lies of bourgeois art, and the false recipes of salvation marketed by technocratic science.

Today the capitalist order seeks to narcotize us with "philanthropy" shows wrapped in packaging of artistic sensitivity, with false hero myths constructed by digital media, and with the NGO network that milks the helplessness of the masses. Yet objective reality stands behind all these illusions in its full nakedness: Humanity's accumulated collective labor is being plundered, the most basic right to life is being commodified, and the poor masses are being abandoned to death amid the destruction.

The Inevitable Bankruptcy of an Unequal World

Bourgeois ideologues and reformist circles continually offer us half-baked solutions. Sometimes they counsel that the state be managed "a little more humanely," sometimes that "conscientious bosses" multiply, sometimes that discriminations be softened on the basis of "tolerance."

Yet dialectical logic teaches us that you cannot heal a system whose root is rotten by pruning its branches.

Historical and Philosophical Truth: An unequal and unjust world in which the human being does not personally direct their own life, production, and future, and in which social wealth is concentrated in the hands of a minority class, is structurally condemned always to produce crisis, always to rot, and always to drag the human being into destruction.

No social formation built upon inequality is sustainable. Whether equipped with the most developed technology or backed by immense financial resources, every order based on the lust for profit, on property, and on class domination will in the end dump its wreckage upon the oppressed.

The poor seeking tents in disasters, the youth driven to suicide in the vise of debt, and the proletarians whose future is mortgaged are all victims of the same systemic contradiction.

Not the Absolute Equality of Particular Sections, but of All Humanity

Our revolutionary horizon is not the privilege of a single class, the prosperity of a particular geography, the comfort of a nation ringed by borders, or exemptions imprisoned within the narrow limits of identity politics.

Capitalism rules by dividing humanity. It builds ethnic barricades, creates religious hierarchies, constructs geographic ghettos, and even when distributing aid divides the human being into the "deserving" and the "undeserving."

What is written on our banner is equality for everyone, unconditional and without bargain:

A World Without Privilege: A human being's access to clean water, safe housing, quality health, science, art, and a free future cannot depend on the money in their pocket, the soil on which they were born, the language they speak, the god they believe in, or their gender.
Equal Subjecthood: The human being, solely by virtue of being a part of this planet and of social production, solely by virtue of being a human being, has the right to access all the possibilities of life at the maximum and equal level.
The Sovereignty Not of Grace but of Right: We defend not a donated equality but a regime of public right that is wrenched away. A social order in which no one is dependent on another's mercy, and in which no class can exploit another, is possible and necessary.

Revolutionary Task: Demolishing Illusions and Building Collective Power

Young comrades! Do not fall for the aestheticized lies of the bourgeoisie, for the false paradises of fintechs, NGOs, and charismatic excuse-producers. Truths are hard, but the only thing that liberates is to confront that hard reality.

The revolutionary tasks before us are clear:

Put an End to Ideological Searching: Expose philosophically and economically petty-bourgeois utopias such as "the people's artificial intelligence," "the conscientious NGO," "ethical capitalism," or "the restoration of the social state." Without the demolition of property relations, no technology, no institution, and no aid system can be emancipatory.
Raise the Struggle for Public Right: Against bourgeois moralism that presents poverty as a "misfortune" and aid as a "grace," carry to the masses the consciousness that housing, health, education, and security are a free, constitutional, and unconditional right.
Organize the Class That Takes Its Own Destiny into Its Hands: Extricate the masses from being passive spectators in the wake of savior figures, screen faces, and bourgeois leaders. The emancipation of humanity will be the work of the organized, conscious, and revolutionary class that manages its own future directly with its own hands.

Down with the Order of Exploitation, Long Live the Equality of All Humanity!

Comrades! Humanity has advanced throughout history not with those who beautify their chains, but with those who break those chains. AHBAPs, aid associations, and capital's makeups of conscience are the ornaments upon the rusty shackles fastened around our ankles.

We do not want those ornaments. We want to tear those shackles off completely!

We will build that collectivist future in which all means of production pass into collective ownership, in which every human being takes an equal and free share of social wealth, in which no citizen is enslaved to another, and in which borders and classes are abolished.

Down with the Property Order and the Domination of Capital!

Down with the Regime of Grace That Makes Human Dependent on Human!

Long Live the Unconditional, Equal, and Free Future of All Humanity!